@@ -- *****
hi, .. ***** La dictadura civika-militarpolice,...fachista de los poderes del mundo, ante millonexmilllones de personas,... iii -- esto es mio,...-- y esto de otros,...ii -- Er pecho, luz genitales, es parte del kuerpo,... y porke hay que eskonderlo,... melon expliken,... cet luz decimuz a la euraka, ar vatikano, a la usa-eeuun,..etc,... iii.... lux poderozxs,... -- x don Luciano mm.
hi,.. ***** Er pecho, luz genitales, es parte del kuerpo,... y porke hay que eskonderlo,... melon expliken,... cet luz decimuz a la euraka, ar vatikano, a la usa-eeuun,..etc,... iii.... lux poderozxs,... -- x don Luciano mm.
hi, .. ***** La dictadura civika-militarpolice,...fachista de los poderes del mundo, ante milloexmilllones de personas,... iii -- esto es mio,...-- y esto de otros,...ii --
hi,.. ***** Er pecho, luz genitales, es parte del kuerpo,... y porke hay que eskonderlo,... melon expliken,... cet luz decimuz a la euraka, ar vatikano, a la usa-eeuun,..etc,... iii.... lux poderozxs,... -- x don Luciano mm.
hi, .. ***** La dictadura civika-militarpolice,...fachista de los poderes del mundo, ante milloexmilllones de personas,... iii -- esto es mio,...-- y esto de otros,...ii -- Nuevo de sitios (en su mayoría) internacionalistas
con resúmenes y citas de artículos recomendados para estudio y discusión
Járkov, Palestina, Caledonia, decrecimiento en China, Pacto Verde, Guillamón
Actualizado el 27-5-2024
Assembly.org.ua, 21-5-2024
«Пусть ТЦК и полиция сами возят». Как в Харькове начал действовать закон об усилении мобилизации и грозит ли экономике коллапс из-за него
"Dejemos que el TCC y la policía conduzcan ellos mismos". Cómo comenzó a entrar en vigor en Járkov la ley sobre el fortalecimiento de la movilización y si la economía está en peligro de colapsar a causa de ello
La película política "Legitimate 2: 10 Years Later" coincidió con rumores y especulaciones de que después del 18 de mayo, el transporte internacional y nacional en Ucrania se detendrá a medida que los conductores y otros trabajadores se escondan de la movilización generalizada. Para la primera capital, donde la producción está en ruinas y prácticamente todo se trae, esta cuestión es particularmente problemática.
Como saben, de acuerdo con la ley aprobada el 11 de abril, durante cualquier revisión de documentos en la calle y verificación con el registro electrónico de personas responsables del servicio militar, la policía tendrá derecho a detener a una persona responsable del servicio militar y llevarla al TCC si sus datos actuales no están en el sistema después del plazo de 60 días para la presentación. Por no portar carné de identificación militar, también la detención y la búsqueda para establecer datos. El 17 de mayo, el Legislador Supremo promulgó la ley No. 10379 para aumentar las multas por ausentismo para los evasores. Según él, por negarse a comparecer a una citación o actualizar las credenciales se impondrá en ausencia una multa de 17 a 25,5 mil grivnas con la perspectiva de bloquear cuentas en caso de impago (el salario mínimo en Ucrania es de 8 mil grivnas).
Por lo que podemos ver en este momento, el negocio y esconderse de él continúa como de costumbre. El probable éxodo de la población de Járkov está más bien relacionado con la toma de una parte de la zona fronteriza por parte de las tropas rusas desde el 10 de mayo y la intensificación de los bombardeos de la ciudad a lo largo de la primavera. La apertura real de la gran temporada de caza para los ciudadanos se espera en verano, a partir del 16 de julio.
Yulia Khomyakova, que trabaja en una tienda de comestibles en Járkov, nos dice: "Puedo decirles con certeza que hay menos gente, literalmente en la última semana antes del 10 de mayo. Y no se trata de esconderse. Porque no solo los hombres [se han vuelto menos], sino también las mujeres y los niños. Todos los conductores y vendedores que quedan aquí siguen yendo a trabajar, pase lo que pase y contra viento y marea. No todos van a desaparecer. ¡No es realista reemplazar a los hombres!" Sobre la huelga del sábado de camioneros de diferentes regiones, que bloquearon parcialmente la autopista Kiev-Odesa con un centenar de camiones, exigiendo reservas y creando un atasco de 5 km a la salida de Odesa, dice: "Sinceramente, no lo sé. En todo caso, todo el país debería ir a la huelga. Un grupo de unos pocos miles de camioneros no logrará nada, en lo que a mí respecta. Y todo el país está en una niebla y no quiere pensar. El bloguero político-emigrante de Kiev Miroslav Oleshko también señaló anteayer en su canal de Telegram: "Si el combate de boxeo (de Usik y Fury, nota). Se habla más que de la ocupación de 70 kilómetros de tierra en dos días, de la corrupción en las fortificaciones y de la huelga de los moteros lejanos, queda claro que todo va a un final trágico. Por otro lado, al menos su acción no fue dispersa: esas personas pueden empacar y encerrar a quien quieran, y cuando se les pide acceso, responden que el contenedor contiene carga militar secreta.
La idea de una huelga general de protesta pacífica se planteó el mes pasado: "Hay una gran opción". Todos los hombres del país deberían comprar comida para unos meses y no salir en absoluto. Sí, será difícil, pero ayudará. En un día, todos los hombres estarán fuera de las calles. El TCA será jodido, la carne se habrá ido. No habrá nadie que cubra las pérdidas. Tal vez en este caso estos imbéciles empiecen a negociar", – sugirió en una de las salas de chat de los ukhilyants de Kharkiv un participante llamado Boris. Otros respondieron que harían lo mismo sin él: "Bueno, vendrá la policía, tú no estás afuera, pasarán por los vecinos, preguntarán "hay tal y tal", alguien dirá "hay", y listo, te recogerán y te llevarán. Y probablemente no sea por unos meses, sino hasta las elecciones en Estados Unidos. Es más fácil quedarse en casa en invierno que en verano, y muchas personas han estado sentadas durante más de un año. Mis amigos ya han comprado piscinas en casa porque tienen miedo de volver a llevar a sus hijos al río. Pero está lejos de que los vecinos dejen de esconderse.
Por supuesto, la movilización de algunos trabajadores permite empeorar las condiciones de trabajo
de otros que no quieren seguir. Entre otros, Novaya Pochta, como uno de los principales operadores logísticos de Járkov y Ucrania, es famoso por ello. "He escuchado que NP ha comenzado a emitir reservas a los empleados. ¿Quién sabe si esto es cierto? ¿Cómo funciona? En el PN y antes de que se exprimieran todos los jugos de los empleados (lo sé por mi experiencia, trabajé en la oficina durante 6 años), ahora sospecho que los responsables del servicio militar serán explotados como los últimos esclavos, que tienen esta reserva, y que tolerarán cualquier condición, ¿solo para no ir a la guerra? Si hay quienes han recibido la reserva en el PN, compartan su experiencia", se le preguntó el 11 de mayo en el sitio de reseñas Vnutri.org.
Según los cálculos de Orendatabot, la región de Járkov se encuentra a los líderes de la anticalificación sobre el cierre de FOP para los primeros 4 meses de 2024. La mayoría de las veces cerraron el trabajo en el comercio minorista (34,9%), la programación informática (10,1%) y el comercio mayorista (6,2%). Sobre todo negocios cerrados en Kiev: 3846. El segundo lugar de la lista lo ocupa la región de Járkov, donde hay 2385; el primer lugar es seguido por la región de Dnepropetrovsk, donde hay 2371. El 23% de las FOP cerradas comenzaron a funcionar el año pasado. Son 7,3 mil empresas. "¿Y dónde están las estadísticas del resto? FOPs reales cerrados que funcionaron. El comercio se ha ido, la TI se ha ido. Abren FOP para reducir el pago de impuestos, el cobro, etc. En la primera línea de Járkov, los que intentan trabajar son abarrotados por TCC, llegan cohetes, shaheds, FAB, KAB. Todos los informáticos conocidos, que no se fueron y no cerraron la FOP, al menos no en Járkov", comentan estos datos en uno de los grupos de Kharkiv povestochnyh.
Cada barin, por voluntad del soberano, debe poner siervos en los asuntos militares. La resolución ¹ 560 del Consejo de Ministros, adoptada el jueves 16 de mayo, prevé la entrega de citaciones por parte de los empleadores y les impone la obligación de organizar la llegada de sus empleados al CCT (probablemente, entregarlos por el cuello). Esto se hará después de recibir una orden del TCC o de la administración local. Además, los jefes de empresas, instituciones y organizaciones deben informar a los comisarios militares sobre los empleados que se negaron a recibir una citación o escribieron una solicitud de despido, de lo contrario pueden acudir ellos mismos. El grito del alma de Andrei Savchenko en la misma comunidad:
"¡Pronto no habrá nadie que viva en esta ciudad! ¡Nos están bombardeando hasta la muerte! No pueden mantener a los que están allí, y quieren recaudar todo lo que puedan, los voluntarios están muriendo, las tarifas han bajado, los muchachos no tienen dinero, ¡pero los diputados compran autos nuevos y la TCC gana licitaciones para autobuses! ¡Este es un acuerdo puramente contractual, donde la luz de la nación, los niños sanos, los padres del sostén de la familia simplemente son arrastrados al suelo en ataques de carne! Entonces, si al principio nadie sabía nada y se fue porque es nuestra patria, ahora todos entienden que somos necesarios siempre y cuando podamos caminar y proteger las billeteras de otras personas, y cuando regreses discapacitado, ¡nadie se acordará de ti y de la pensión de 700 UAH! ¡Así que la gente está cansada de 10 años de guerra! ¡Y 33 años de mierda de políticos!".
Tradicionalmente, la movilización es más dura en la periferia que en las grandes ciudades. En Pervomayskoye, por ejemplo, ya se están sintiendo las primeras consecuencias de la aplicación de la ley: "En nuestra ciudad, la gente está siendo despedida de casi todas las empresas, y los problemas con los suministros ya han comenzado. La panadería Roma, la producción y compra de granos y cereales, y la empresa de ventanas, también tienen problemas con los transportistas de otras regiones, y este es solo el 3er día. En las empresas comenzaron a drenar a los trabajadores a los TCK. Ayer, el conductor de la panadería de Kharkiv no regresó. Logró dar las llaves del quiosco y llamar a la empresa. Un hombre trajo el coche por separado", se quejó un anónimo esta mañana. Si no hay a nadie a quien entregar, según la idea, pueden llevarse al propio empresario, a menos que introduzcan una disposición tácita de reservas para la asistencia en la ejecución del plan.
La conclusión es que las autoridades han hecho todo lo posible contra quienes se niegan a servirles. Este es el momento de la verdad para ellos. Si no se presenta suficiente gente en dos meses, el juego terminará en un futuro más o menos cercano. Vuelva a consultar "Montaje" para mantenerse al día con cómo y hacia dónde van las cosas.
Artículo completo (excepto hipervínculos). Traducido por DeepL.com
Anónimo, 23-5-2024
Sul movimento delle "tende" nei campus universitari
Sobre el movimiento de "tiendas de campaña" en los campus universitarios
Prefacio: Breve contextualización histórica de la cuestión palestina
Después de ocho meses de bombardeos despiadados acompañados de un bloqueo de la ayuda humanitaria, los horrores del ataque israelí contra Gaza casi han borrado el recuerdo de los feroces ataques de Hamas y sus aliados yihadistas el 7 de octubre del año pasado. El carácter asimétrico del conflicto significa que, como siempre, los muertos y heridos palestinos superan con creces a los muertos y heridos israelíes. Las manifestaciones mundiales en apoyo de la causa palestina también están motivadas por la injusticia histórica del despojo de los palestinos en 1948. Como hemos informado en otro lugar,1 esto solo fue posible debido a un momento específico en la historia del imperialismo, cuando las dos grandes potencias victoriosas de la Segunda Guerra Mundial compitieron entre sí para ser los patrocinadores de una "patria" para los judíos, después de lo que afirmaban que era el genocidio nazi. En 1948, tanto la URSS como Estados Unidos lo vieron como un baluarte para sus intereses en el Medio Oriente rico en petróleo. La burguesía palestina estaba dividida y sólo recibía un débil apoyo de las monarquías árabes, mucho más débiles, que habían surgido de los escombros del Imperio Otomano treinta años antes. Las organizaciones terroristas judías hicieron el resto, y las masacres en Deir Yassin y en otros lugares allanaron el camino para la creación del Estado de Israel. Desde entonces, la historia ha sido en gran medida una historia de ataques terroristas palestinos seguidos de ataques del ejército israelí. El pueblo de Gaza y Cisjordania ha estado apretujado entre dos fuerzas reaccionarias durante décadas. Pero como escribimos en octubre pasado, esta vez es diferente. El sistema capitalista global está en una profunda crisis, afectando a todos los estados e intensificando la competencia imperialista. El ataque de Rusia a Ucrania, después de años de cerco de la OTAN, y el apoyo que ha recibido de los países sancionados por Occidente, China e Irán, están rompiendo la globalización (relativamente) acogedora de las últimas décadas. Con Irán apoyando a Hamas y Estados Unidos insistiendo en armar a Israel, la catástrofe humanitaria que se está desarrollando en Gaza lo coloca en el centro de estas rivalidades. Y estas rivalidades se están desarrollando no solo en manifestaciones y contramanifestaciones en todo el mundo, sino ahora también en las universidades de Occidente.
La ocupación de universidades por parte de estudiantes tiene como objetivo que las instituciones implementen el Boicot, Desinversión y Sanciones (BDS) contra Israel o cualquier empresa o institución que haga negocios con él. Todo el objetivo es utilizar el "derecho internacional" (como si fuera una realidad neutral y no clasista) para debilitar al "Estado colonizador del apartheid". A partir de los diversos relatos de camaradas dentro y fuera de Italia que han intervenido en las ocupaciones estudiantiles, está claro que algunos han participado por una comprensible preocupación humanitaria por la terrible masacre en Gaza, pero la dirección política real de las ocupaciones está en manos de maoístas, estalinistas y otros, aquí denominados genéricamente "antagonistas", que básicamente apoyan el nacionalismo palestino (y nunca se menciona el fascismo islamista de Hamas o el hecho de que provocó lo que sabía que sería un baño de sangre para todo el pueblo palestino). Los que están a favor de Hamas (tal vez inconscientemente), los que salen a las calles a manifestarse, como Si Cobas, y todos los sindicalistas de base, están de hecho alineados en un frente de guerra y no entienden los lazos vinculantes de la dirección de Hamas con potencias imperialistas como Irán, Rusia y China -financiadas por los primeros- y los chiítas de Yemen. que han establecido lazos económico-políticos inseparables con la propia China. Aquellos que descienden al terreno de la defensa de un frente imperialista son, en todos los aspectos, parte de la vergüenza de la guerra y se convierten en parte integrante de ella.
Therefore, some considerations are in order. One is that the student occupations involve only a minority of students, but there is so much publicity about them (inflated by social media) that it has almost obscured the real problem of our time: the drift toward generalized war. As the media fills the tents on campus, the real preparations for war are accelerating. Whether it is Macron’s attempt to reunite a divided EU or the increase in arms spending and the restarting of arms production lines, the student occupations, for all their political content, are a distraction in the face of these more serious developments.
The demonstrations are so dominated by BDS ideology that its vocabulary defines the agenda of the occupations. Far from taking an internationalist and anti-capitalist stand, the demonstrations are actually part of the imperialist game itself. Instead, it is crucial to adopt the vocabulary of anti-capitalism and class struggle.
One of the goals of the organizers is to call what is happening in Gaza a “genocide. In a sense, this is an ideological argument to erase the fact of the real genocide that took place in World War II (when 13 million Jews, Slavs and Roma, among others, were “selected” by the Nazis to be exterminated – and which is used today by the Zionists as a cover for their atrocities). Genocide must mean the deliberate elimination of an entire people, and by labeling what is happening in Gaza as such, BDS appeals to the institutions of the current imperialist world order to take action against Israel. Gaza is a humanitarian disaster (and could get worse), but it is more akin to the ethnic cleansing in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, when Croats and Serbs fought for control of Bosnia. There is no doubt that there are racist elements in the current Israeli government who would be willing to change this policy (ethnic cleansing of the West Bank is the goal of Smotrich and Ben Gvir and was one of the reasons for the “Al-Aqsa Flood” or the Hamas attack on October 7, 2023), but they do not control the IDF or its policy of eliminating Hamas. What is happening in Gaza is another example of the meaning of “total war. There is no place for the working class to hide in imperialist war-as the fate of the citizens of Coventry, Dresden, Hamburg, Tokyo, Hiroshima and Nagasaki confirmed long ago. It is on this class basis that we must oppose all wars. But this is not the point of the BDS movement, which is in fact involved in the ideological wars of capitalism and is therefore positioned within the system. For the tent movement, the ultimate goal is not to unite the world working class against its exploiters everywhere, but to highlight the divisions that capitalism uses to divide our class, whether by nationalism, religion or “ethnicity.”
BDS deliberately invokes the struggle against the “apartheid state. This not only equates Israel with South Africa (a false analogy, since in the democratic state of Israel every adult formally has a vote, which was not the case in South Africa, where only whites could vote), but implies that the defeat of apartheid was a victory for black people. This is only true if “people” means the black bourgeoisie. We have argued for decades that this would have been the outcome. The anti-worker nature of this history has been visible in South Africa ever since. Ramaphosa, the current president of South Africa, was not only head of COSATU (the trade union federation), but also a board member of Lonrho (which even conservative Prime Minister Edward Heath had called the unacceptable face of capitalism). The class struggle in South Africa continues, but also against those now in power, and we need look no further than the massacre of mine workers in Marikana [on August 16, 2012, police forces opened fire on striking workers, killing 34 and injuring nearly a hundred] to confirm this.
Israel is not a colonial state in the same sense. It is a democracy (the only one in the Middle East, according to Zionist propaganda), as South Africa now claims to be, but democracy, as we all know, is nothing but a political fig leaf for the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. It is “democracy for the rich” (Lenin – State and Revolution) and for the bourgeoisie it is the best wrapping to maintain its rule over the wage slaves in social peace. It is within this framework that their oppression takes place. In Gaza, we can see what democracy really means, and the students occupying campuses in democratic bourgeois states, from the U.S. on, are only getting a small taste of the repression that all democratic states resort to when the rule of capital is threatened. The real colonizing states are the products of European capitalist expansion around the world, such as Canada, the U.S., Australia, Argentina and Brazil, but why distract ourselves by opposing only the results of hundreds of years of capitalist history when we should be confronting the entire system on a global scale?
The Occupy students fail to see the imperialist wood of the various nationalist trees they want us to support. This is identity politics of the worst kind, which will only perpetuate the misery and exploitation produced by a capitalist system that, in its deepening crisis, is bringing humanity to a dangerous crossroads. The left of capital, like the various supporters of Russia and Ukraine, is deeply entrenched in this movement, which is simply mobilizing a section of the “people” in the race to generalized imperialist war. What they fail to see is that the Palestinian working class (and the population as a whole) is being crucified between two equally reactionary forces (although one enjoys greater imperialist support than the other). “From the river to the sea,” the slogan most often heard in these occupations, is taken from the 1982 Hamas charter and is nothing more than a call to wipe out Israel. The Western imperialists and their press cite it as an anti-Semitic call of the “Palestinians,” but they fail to remember that the original phrase actually appears in the 1973 platform of the Likud Party, now led by Netanyahu, which is totally dependent on the settler and pogrom parties of Smotrich and Ben Gvir, who want the ethnic cleansing of Arabs, whether Muslim or Christian, from Eretz Israel [Greater Israel]. Workers around the world must oppose these two capitalist rackets as part of an internationalist rejection of all borders. Incidentally, not all Palestinians in the diaspora supported the “Free Palestine” demonstrations (just as not all Jews support the actions of the Israeli state). Internationalists are for the freedom of Palestinians, just as we are for the freedom of the entire world working class (including workers, Arab and Jewish, in the current state of Israel). But to frame the struggle in national terms is to perpetuate the arguments of our class enemies. Those who call for a “free Palestine” should think about how this can happen. It means either a new imperialist deployment beyond the dollar-dominated “Pax Americana,” but that would mean a world war. Or it would be achieved through the struggle of workers around the world to end the system that thrives on exploitation and oppression. We know which of these two struggles we are fighting for.
The solution to the crisis in the land of Palestine is not the solution of one or two states, but a solution without states in common with the rest of the world, a world without capitalism and its national borders of exploitation and oppression. A world without imperialist war.
Complete article. Translated by DeepL.com
A. Mantovani, 17-5-2024
Mise au point d’Alessandro Mantovani, mai 2024, sur l’article de Programma comunista, février 2024 sur la question de Palestine
Clarification by Alessandro Mantovani, May 2024, on the February 2024 Programma comunista article on the question of Palestine
(…)
In this year’s issue 2 of “Programma comunista”[1] you published an article on the Palestinian proletariat, in which you used some of the data contained in a previous article of mine on the same question. As you point out, our conclusions are different. The result of my research is, if not the opposite, then very different from what you think you can draw on the basis of the same data. In the title of my article, it’s no coincidence that the word proletariat is placed in quotation marks to indicate that it is only with great caution and limitations that we can currently speak of the existence of a Palestinian proletarian class in the true sense of the word. An existence, however, that seems undeniable to you.
In fact, I explained in my introduction that for Marxism, the proletarian class, as a revolutionary class, is not defined by the mere fact that it earns a wage or is unreserved. This is not enough. There must also be those dynamic elements that make a social stratum capable of influencing class relations: for example, territorial concentration, grouping into large production units, and so on. The Russian proletariat came to power, albeit as a minority in the country, because it was concentrated and strong in Petersburg. Another element to take into account is the degree of “purity” of the relationship between capital and wage labor. For example, a seasonal worker who is still tied to agriculture for part of the year, or a cottage worker, is somewhat different in mentality from an industrial worker. A service worker is different from an assembly line worker, and so on. A crucial moment in the maturation of the proletarian class, in Marx’s terms, is the transition from the “formal domination” to the “real domination” of labor over capital, i.e., the transition from the seasonal, home-based, artisanal, manufacturing, manual, etc., worker to the large-scale industrial worker, who today can be somewhat compared to workers in large concentrations of services (transportation, hospitals, post office, etc.).
From this point of view, both in Palestine and in the Palestinian diaspora, we are far from having a fully constituted proletariat: both among Arab workers in Israel and among those in the “occupied territories” (West Bank and especially Gaza), informal and precarious work, high unemployment rates, gender and age inequalities in employment, exploitation of children and lack of guarantees prevail. These are all signs of underdevelopment that prevent the formation of a coherent proletariat. The number of proletarians in relation to the total population is also very limited. Of this limited number, almost half of the Palestinian workers in Israel and the settlements work informally. Among the workers in the occupied territories of Israel, a maximum of 100,000 can be considered more or less purely proletarian, but they are fragmented and characterized by pendular migration.
As for the Palestinian diaspora in the Arab countries, Palestinians today are highly discriminated against and therefore prevented from fully integrating into the social fabric of their host countries, with the partial exception of Jordan. Thus, while Jordan and Lebanon, the countries with the largest number of Palestinian refugees, certainly have a quota of proletarians among their resident Palestinian population, “pure” proletarians must constitute a minority, immersed in a magma of dispossessed refugees, precarious semi-proletarians and petty bourgeoisie.
In the Gulf petro-monarchies, Palestinian proletarians are insignificant in number compared to other immigrant workers: probably around 200 to 250. 000 against 7 million Indians, 3.3 million Bangladeshis, almost as many Pakistanis, 2.4 million Egyptians, 1.7 million Indonesians, 1.6 million Filipinos, 1.3 million Nepalese, 1.1 million Sri Lankans, 1.1 million Yemenis, 650,000 Sudanese, 550,000 Jordanians, 330,000 Lebanese.
My conclusion was as follows: “In Palestine, therefore, it seems problematic to imagine that a fragmented, precarious, insubstantial proletariat, immersed in a pool of dispossessed, petty-bourgeois and refugees, could even today propose an autonomous influence on the dramatic events unfolding there. As we have seen, even the Palestinian diaspora lacks a solid contingent of proletarians. This should give pause to those who, perhaps in a sincere classist spirit but too lightly, frame it. Nevertheless, a Palestinian proletariat is emerging. But – and this is the essential point – not so much as a national class, but as part of a proletariat that is already international in the Middle East, not only as a historical vocation, but precisely as a concrete characteristic, since it is made up of workers of different nationalities. This is the direction in which the future of class struggles lies in a region that must be considered as a whole.
If I may make a general remark, I believe that your somewhat retrograde interpretation of objective data is based on an erroneous assessment of the capitalist and social development of the countries formerly known as the “Third World”. It’s true that capitalism has made great strides in these countries since the Second World War, and it’s true that some of them, such as China and certain “Asian tigers,” can be considered fully or almost fully capitalist, but on the whole the globe is still far from having achieved the capitalist homogeneity of the capitalist metropolises, and the proletarian strata that have formed there are just as far from the degree of “purity” that they possess in the advanced countries. Hence the fact that you have put aside the so-called national and colonial question and put the proletarian revolution everywhere on the agenda (“single” and not “double” in the diagram provided by Amadeo (Bordiga)).
I’m afraid this prejudice depends on your own desire to substitute a simplified class conflict for a very complex reality. Given my own past experience in your ranks, I remember that when I thought along these lines, I had not yet delved deeply into Marx’s economic work, on the one hand, and the economic and social conditions of non-European countries, on the other. I think that anyone who does so without preconceived ideas can and should come to see this view as simplistic, and unfortunately it is one that is very popular among sincere internationalist revolutionaries. I hope that other comrades can, through curiosity and study, overcome the attitude that leads some of us to conform reality to preconceived schemes rather than opt for the opposite attitude, which in my humble opinion is the only truly Marxist one.
All hope aside – given that a reader who doesn’t have my article at hand might be led to believe, upon reading yours, that the data I report confirms your opinion on the clear and undeniable existence of a Palestinian proletariat – I respectfully ask you to publish it. This would be an act of fairness not only to me, but above all to your readers. In any case, I thank you for your attention and wish you good work.
Alessandro Mantovani, May 2024
[1] Text from Il Programma comunista, Milan, March-April 2024, “Il proletariato palestinese nella tagliola infame dei nazionalismi”: https://www.internationalcommunistparty.org/index.php/it/.... See the Italian text by Alessandro Mantovani, former member of the Partito comunista internazionale (Il Programma comunista), https://www.sinistrainrete.info/.../27215-alessandro...: Il “proletariato” palestinese. Un po’ di cifre”, given by us here in French (pantopolis).
Part of an article as reproduced in Pantopolis. Translated by DeepL.com
Comment by FC
PH. B. publishes uncritically, as usual. Having previously criticized Programma’s tendency to deny the existence of the proletariat in Israel and the Israeli proletariat, having criticized Mainassian’s effort to deny the existence of a Palestinian capitalist and imperialist class, now I would have to criticize Mantovani’s very academic and Marxological effort to deny the existence of a Palestinian proletariat. However, I’ll limit myself to recalling part of Marx’s definition of the proletariat in the German Ideology: “… the class which no longer counts as a class in society, is not recognized as a class, and is in itself the expression of the dissolution of all classes, nationalities, etc., within present society…”
ICP (Florence), El Partido Comunista, May 2024
La guerra en Palestina y los sindicatos alemanes
The War in Palestine and the German Trade Unions
In Germany, opposition to the war has been stifled and any criticism of the state of Israel, however timid, is denounced as anti-Semitism. There have been some pacifist protests, which have been countered by pro-Israel demonstrations. However, in a strict application of the “Burgfrieden,” the social peace established between capital, labor unions and social democracy already in World War I, German labor unions and political parties are – for the time being – well aligned in their support for Israel, or more precisely, for German-Israeli capital.
In fact, German banks and industries are among the most reliable suppliers of weapons, tanks and armored vehicles to the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF). German employers know that they can count on the unconditional support of the leaders of the main trade union confederation, the DGB, and the trade union bureaucracy. IG Metall, the largest union affiliated with the DGB, always supports the industries in obtaining new arms contracts from Israel. These unions are complicit in and condone the destruction of Gaza.
In fact, a DGB press release on October 10, when the bombing of Gaza had already begun, clearly reaffirmed its position: “Israel is in a difficult situation and we are pleased that our government has quickly intervened and expressed its unconditional support for the Israeli people under attack.
In Germany, the trade unions justify their support for German-Israeli capital with anti-fascism, the rejection of anti-Semitism, a “moral” response to the historical sins of “the country”. In an open letter to the Israeli regime’s trade union federation, the Histadrut, the DGB leadership wrote: “We join our affiliated trade unions in expressing our solidarity with Israel in the face of the brutal attacks by Hamas in recent days. Note: solidarity with Israel, not with Israeli workers. The DGB goes on to say, “As trade unions, we are committed to peace, freedom, democracy and a multicultural society, and we oppose all forms of terrorism. We fight against anti-Semitism, in Germany and worldwide.” The DGB has not expressed solidarity with the Palestinian workers, who, in addition to being exploited by their own bourgeoisie, are constantly under siege and bombardment, nor with the workers in Israel, who are forced into a permanent fratricidal war by their militarist and racist state.
The trade unions of the German Confederation of Trade Unions (DGB) and the employers’ associations of the German Confederation of Industry (BDA) and the Federation of German Industries (BDI), together with all parties in the German parliament (except the extreme right-wing AfD), the Protestant and Catholic churches, the Jewish communities and many other organizations, have signed an appeal for a demonstration in support of Israel on October 22 in front of the Brandenburg Gate. The Left Party (Die Linke) has repeatedly announced its support for the war. It has signed not only as a party, but also as the “Rosa Luxemburg Foundation” (the great internationalist and tireless opponent of the Burgfrieden). Citing the 85th anniversary of Kristallnacht, the DGB has gone further, equating any opposition to Israel’s war in Gaza with the Nazi pogrom of November 9, 1938. Shouting “Never again!” it has called for a ban on protests on the other war front: “It is absolutely unacceptable that Muslims take to the streets in Germany and abuse the right to demonstrate or openly violate it by celebrating the Hamas massacre and glorifying it as an act of liberation.”
The DGB justifies its open support for German-Israeli imperialism with “democratic values”: “Peaceful coexistence and cohesion in our multicultural society depend on the values of the constitution being accepted by all and on our living together being characterized by tolerance and respect. This applies to all people living in Germany, regardless of their origin or religion”.
We, the internationalist communists, say to the German workers: “German values”, “democracy” and “respect” are only a mask to lead them into a deadly imperialist war. Whether the state of their bosses is on one side or the other of the world front, the interests of the workers are neither with Israel nor with Hamas, but with the proletariat of all countries.
Complete article, translated by DeepL.com
ICP (le prolétaire), 20-5-2024
Solidarité avec les prolétaires et les jeunes révoltés de Nouvelle Calédonie !
Solidarity with the proletarians and youth in revolt in New Caledonia!
The riots and clashes that began on May 13 ended on May 19 with a heavy toll: 6 dead (including 3 young Kanaks killed by “Caldoches” militias), hundreds injured and arrested, numerous fires set in official buildings (municipal buildings, local police stations) and others, and shops looted in the greater Nouméa area – the capital, which with more than 180,000 inhabitants represents 2/3 of New Caledonia’s population. As in the rest of the island, blockades continued in neighborhoods and on communication routes, while economic activity came to a standstill.
These riots were triggered by the mobilization of pro-independence organizations against the constitutional reform decided by the government to “unfreeze” the electorate (frozen since the Nouméa Accords), which would increase the number of non-Kanak voters potentially hostile to the pro-independence movement by about 25,000 people who have been present on the island for at least 10 years. Of the island’s 270,000 inhabitants, only 41% are Kanak, compared to 24% “European” (“Caldoches”), with the remainder belonging to various Oceanic, Asian or non-Oceanic communities.
The mobilization against the thaw is politically led by the FLNKS (Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste, which unites the main pro-independence organizations) and organized by the CCAT (Cellule de Coordination des Actions sur le Terrain), initiated by FLNKS militants and the USTKE (Union Syndicale des Travailleurs Kanaks et des Exploités), led to mass demonstrations in Nouméa (20,000 according to the media, against a similar number of Caldoche “loyalists”) and throughout the territory, as well as strikes. The CCAT then called for blockades on May 13, the day before the vote in the National Assembly on the law to unfreeze the electoral body; while the actions in the rest of the territory remained generally peaceful, Nouméa witnessed a veritable social explosion: young demonstrators poured out their anger against everything that represented a system that crushes them and promises only misery, exploitation, unemployment and racism.
The overwhelmed police and political authorities, for their part, allowed militias to organize to defend the wealthy properties in the neighborhoods of Caldo from the wrath of the rioters. The government declared a state of emergency (with the support of the PS, faithful to its long tradition of colonial repression, including in New Caledonia, in the name of restoring “republican order”) and sent a thousand men to reinforce the island; the Minister of “Justice” issued a circular calling for “the most severe sanctions against rioters and looters,” citing as a model the repression of the riots in the proletarian neighborhoods of June 20-23. The French authorities accused the CCAT, denounced as a “mafia-like group committing murder and looting”, of being responsible for the events and placed 10 of its leaders under house arrest (1).
However, the CCAT protested that it had never called for an uprising, as it had been accused of doing, but only for peaceful actions, and on the 14th it called on “all our young people to put their feet up”. At a press conference on the 15th, the FLNKS declared that it “condemns the acts of extortion committed”, called for the lifting of the blockades and reaffirmed its support “for business leaders and their employees”; the current poisonous climate, it added, “cannot justify jeopardizing peace and all that has been built”, and concluded by announcing that it would respond positively to the President’s proposals for consultation.
But these fine words were not enough for the young rebels, who continued their clashes. Since the Matignon agreement of 1988 and the Nouméa agreement of 1998, a Kanak bourgeoisie has been flourishing in the shadow of the state. It does not want to jeopardize its gains and therefore wants to “prevent the street from gaining the upper hand” (statement of the president of the Union Calédonienne-FLNKS group of elected representatives, 14/5). But for the proletariat, nothing has really changed in the last 30 or 40 years, and Caledonian society remains deeply marked by its colonial past; social inequalities are glaring; in 2022, the unemployment rate was 15.5% for Kanaks, compared to 8.3% for non-Kanaks, and 72% of those who have jobs are only part-time and their jobs are often unskilled, with 80% being blue-collar or white-collar workers: the result is that the median standard of living for Kanaks is half that of non-Kanaks.
The importance of New Caledonia for French imperialism
After becoming a French colony in 1853, New Caledonia was initially used to deport prisoners (including Communards such as Louise Michel) and turn it into a settlement, despite revolts by the indigenous population.
But it was the exploitation of nickel, of which the island has a quarter of the world’s reserves, that made New Caledonia a precious possession for French capitalism. It led to an economic boom in the late 1960s, making nickel production the economic lungs of the territory: the sector employs around 20% of the territory’s salaried workers and provides the bulk of its exports. But it is now in crisis, following the collapse of prices (-45% by 2023) and rising energy prices. The big companies that have made their fortunes from mining are not willing to absorb the losses; the Swiss giant Glencore has closed its northern plant (KNS) and announced its departure, which would result in the dismissal of more than 1,700 people, while the southern plants (SLN and Prony) are facing bankruptcy. The French government has announced a “nickel pact” that has been rejected by the elected representatives, mainly because it would require major investments by the regions at a time when their finances are at rock bottom. The proletarians of these companies are in a difficult position to resist: the SGTI-NC, the main union in this industry, has called a general strike in the sector on January 25, but without stopping production and in agreement with an employers’ organization of subcontractors! Clearly, the proletarians cannot count on such a collaborationist organization, whose aim is to be integrated into the ongoing discussions with the shareholders! In New Caledonia, as elsewhere, only an independent class orientation can win concessions from the capitalists and the state.
Today, it is no longer the failing nickel industry that motivates Paris and determines its policies, but its new imperialist ambitions in the Indo-Pacific zone. This vast region is increasingly becoming the site of growing great power rivalries and thus both a threat and an opportunity for French imperialism. France’s presence in New Caledonia is an important card that it has no intention of relinquishing as it seeks to present itself as a regional power with a vast “economic maritime zone,” even if it does not currently have the military resources to back up its claims.
In other words, the proletarians, the rebellious youth and the Kanak masses are facing a determined enemy: it cannot be defeated by following the methods and goals of the pro-independence organizations, which only want to negotiate a compromise with French imperialism, but only by a revolutionary anti-capitalist struggle in conjunction with the proletarians of metropolitan France, who have in their hands the potential power to break it.
Solidarity with the proletarians and rebellious youth of New Caledonia!
Down with French imperialism!
For the resumption of the revolutionary class struggle and proletarian internationalism!
(1) It should be noted that Darmanin has since found someone else to blame for the riots: Azerbaijan!
Complete article. Translated by DeepL.com
Aníbal, 27-5-2024
Presión capitalista en China, empleo y desempleo juvenil, tendencias.
China: where it comes from, where it goes. The evolution of capitalism in China. [2] – Page 7 Capitalist pressure in China, youth employment and unemployment, trends.
…. “My generation came of age with sky-high job and economic expectations, but that optimism is gone. In my case, I make less money now than I did five years ago, and I’m exhausted. I am poorer than before, and I have not even been able to have a healthy social life, a partner, think of children…. I have thought many times about going back to Zhejiang to live with my parents and find a quieter job,” Lu said.
Amid slowing economic growth and high youth unemployment, the concept of “full-time kids,” referring to young people returning to their parents’ homes, has become popular on China’s social media. Some escape the labor slavery of “996” and choose a lower-paying job with better hours, which eventually pays off because they no longer have to pay rent or child support. Others stop working altogether and live as retirees, receiving an allowance from their parents for doing household chores.
…. A recent study by Zhaopin, a recruiting firm, found that half of the country’s college graduates now want to work for state-owned enterprises, up from 36 percent by 2020.
Last year, China stopped publishing youth unemployment data for six months after it hit a record high of 21.3%. In March last year, the figures returned, having fallen to 15.3%, but with a new counting method that did not include students, who are also looking for work.
Another popular outlet for many young people is the civil service exam. A test that has been administered since the old imperial dynasties, it consists of a written exam and an interview that evaluates the candidate’s knowledge on a variety of general topics, mainly political and economic.
Last year, the U.S. network CNBC published an analysis after tracking reports on the matter from state departments: 7.7 million people took the first civil service exam in 2023, competing for 200,000 government jobs.
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…. Sluggish domestic demand is posing major problems for Chinese officials trying to reflate the economy, as a slump in the property sector is proving to be a huge drag on the economy….. Rising unemployment among the young, highly educated population has been a headache for Chinese leaders in recent years. The government has pledged support for private companies, which typically absorb a large share of the young workforce. Specifically, the Ministry of Finance spent 8.7 billion euros on the issue and promised a series of measures, including tax breaks, to boost employment among the younger population.
The CEO of Entrii, a company that connects Spanish entrepreneurs with the Chinese market, Rodrigo Fabiero, told elEconomista.es that the Chinese market is “currently in a complicated situation” due to the fall in consumption. Although the unemployment figures are fairly static, “they are generating some uncertainty.
… “In such a scenario, spillovers to China’s trading partners are expected to be generally negative, with the effects of weaker demand for trading partners’ products outweighing the gains from lower commodity prices,” the IMF staff said.
To mitigate these effects, they recommend monetary easing, “especially through lower interest rates,” and expansionary fiscal measures, including financing for unfinished housing and support for vulnerable households, in addition to public policies. In this regard, they have already announced that they will increase fiscal spending to 3% of GDP. “This could further support demand and guard against deflationary risks,” the IMF said.
Labor valorization, pressure, militarism.
Capitalism in China is experiencing the same tendencies and contradictions as elsewhere: pressure on wages and hours, cyclical changes in conditions, with moments of downturn that show how the precariousness of the proletarian condition is much more than a conjunctural precariousness. The boom of enormous job creation, with rising salaries but with enormous working hours, shows its wear and tear and its contradictions, the entrepreneurial hardness develops while the possibilities of job rotation diminish. In the housing market, the delays of overproduction on the basis of the capitalist money market, of “solvent demand”, have appeared with crudeness….
But the process of capital valorization must continue, in China as everywhere else, whatever the cost, China allocates an important part of its budget to support the private sector, to strengthen the most competitive state sector and, above all, to modernize and expand the army, because its leaders are well aware that the inter-imperialist race requires this and more:
China Increases Defense Budget by 7.2% Amid Regional Tensions
China on Tuesday announced a 7.2% increase in its defense budget – already the second largest in the world after the United States – to 1.6 trillion yuan ($222 billion), virtually the same as last year’s increase.
Tensions with the United States, Taiwan, Japan and other neighbors over key claims in the South China Sea are seen as driving the development of increasingly advanced military technologies, from stealth fighter jets to aircraft carriers and a growing arsenal of nuclear weapons.
The official budget unveiled Tuesday during the opening session of the annual legislative session is considered only a fraction of the spending by the People’s Liberation Army, the Communist Party’s military wing, when spending on research and development and the purchase of foreign weapons is taken into account.
Data for the past 15 years:
Complete article. Translated by DeepL.com
Aníbal, 22-5-2024
“El mundo necesita una urgente redistribución global de la riqueza”. Sandrine Dix son-Declève, copresidenta del Club de Roma.
Sandrine Dix son-Declève, Co-President of the Club of Rome, “The world urgently needs a global redistribution of wealth.
… “to finance the great change that is needed”
Un llamamiento al gran capital y a sus grandes multinacionales para que liberen algo de dinero para financiar las reformas ecológicas que el capitalismo necesita cada vez con mayor urgencia... Porque las consecuencias catastróficas del capitalismo se acumulan, se interrelacionan, aparecen nuevas manifestaciones de degradación y peligros, generando costos crecientes de todo tipo... y, por lo tanto, debe adoptar estrategias paliativas "verdes".
La reforma de la capital... sigue en el poder, explotando al proletariado, dominándolo y atacando a la naturaleza, como es inherentemente necesario, por lo que sus tendencias militaristas y su devastación de la salud humana, especialmente la del proletariado y de los campesinos empobrecidos, y la degradación de los ecosistemas, no cesan.
El problema es el capitalismo. Necesitamos la dictadura revolucionaria del proletariado para erradicarlo en todo el mundo.
Artículo completo. Traducido por DeepL.com
Amos, 15-5-2024
Kritik an Kohei Saitos Buch Systemsturz – Der Sieg der Natur über den Kapitalismus
Crítica al libro de Kohei Saito "Systemsturz – Der Sieg der Natur über den Kapitalismus"
En las últimas décadas, ha quedado claro que la civilización burguesa representa una seria amenaza para las condiciones naturales que forman la base de la existencia humana en el planeta. También se ha vuelto cada vez más claro que los principales sectores de la clase dominante se han visto obligados a reconocer la gravedad de la crisis ecológica, e incluso su conexión con las otras manifestaciones principales de una sociedad en declive, sobre todo la huida hacia el militarismo y la guerra. [1] Esta nueva "comprensión" no se ve contrarrestada de ninguna manera por el hecho de que otros sectores de la misma clase dominante se están retirando a un negacionismo abiertamente irracional y suicida sobre los peligros del cambio climático y la contaminación del aire, el suelo y el agua. Pero ni el reconocimiento ni la negación pueden ocultar el hecho de que la burguesía se está mostrando incapaz de frenar, y mucho menos detener, el monstruo de la destrucción ambiental. Sobre todo, podemos señalar el fracaso evidente y repetido de las espectaculares conferencias de la COP de los últimos años.
Esta denuncia de la impotencia de la clase dominante ha creado la necesidad de algún tipo de compensación ideológica, especialmente por parte del ala izquierda de la burguesía. Esto ha dado lugar a una especie de "keynesianismo verde", la idea de un "Green New Deal" en el que el Estado, castigando a los peores contaminadores e invirtiendo en tecnologías "sostenibles", no solo sería capaz de evitar que el cambio climático se salga de control, sino que también crearía empleos verdes y crecimiento verde. Un capitalismo verde sano.
Pero también hay voces más radicales que se apresuran a señalar las deficiencias de este tipo de capitalismo verde. Entre ellos destacan los defensores del "decrecimiento". Autores como Jason Hickel[2] pueden demostrar fácilmente que el capitalismo está impulsado por la necesidad constante de expandirse y acumular valor, y que debe tratar a la naturaleza como un "regalo gratuito" para ser explotado al máximo, mientras intenta someter hasta la última región del planeta a las leyes del mercado. Por lo tanto, Hickel habla de la necesidad de una transición a una economía postcapitalista[3] Otros, como John Bellamy Foster, van más allá y se refieren explícitamente al creciente interés de Karl Marx por las cuestiones ecológicas en las últimas etapas de su vida, a lo que llaman el "ecosocialismo" de Marx[4]. Más recientemente, sin embargo, los libros del escritor japonés Kohei Saito, quien ha estudiado en profundidad los últimos escritos de Marx como resultado de su participación en la nueva edición de las obras completas de Marx y Engels (el proyecto MEGA), han generado un enorme interés y ventas, especialmente su último trabajo, titulado Slow Down: How Degrowth Communism Can Save the Earth (2024; Título alemán: Systemsturz – Der Sieg der Natur über den Kapitalismus).
Si bien los libros anteriores de Saito[5] fueron escritos en un estilo más académico, este libro es una obra mucho más popular que no solo presenta su argumento principal de que el propio Marx era un "comunista del decrecimiento", sino que también describe los pasos que podrían conducir a la introducción del comunismo del decrecimiento en la actualidad. Y, de hecho, a primera vista, parece estar hablando del comunismo tal como lo entiende el movimiento comunista real e histórico: una sociedad de productores libremente asociados en la que el trabajo asalariado ya no existe. El hecho de que quiera ir más allá del término "ecosocialismo" (que implica que puede haber y ha habido formas de socialismo que no eran ecológicas, que no eran menos destructivas ecológicamente que el capitalismo) y ahora habla de comunismo es una respuesta a la creciente búsqueda de soluciones que van a las raíces de la crisis de civilización actual. Sin embargo, un examen más detallado y crítico del argumento de Saito muestra que esta es una respuesta que solo puede conducir a más soluciones falsas.
Marx no rechazó la visión materialista de la historia
Como se señaló anteriormente, Saito no es el primero en señalar que el "Marx tardío" desarrolló un fuerte interés tanto en las cuestiones ecológicas como en las formas comunales de la sociedad que precedieron al surgimiento de la sociedad de clases y dejaron huellas incluso después del surgimiento del capital. Específica de Saito es la idea de que el estudio de estos temas llevó a Marx a una "ruptura epistemológica"[6] con lo que él llama la "visión lineal y progresista" de la historia caracterizada por el "productivismo" y el "eurocentrismo", y a una nueva visión del comunismo. En resumen, Marx había abandonado el materialismo histórico en favor del "comunismo del decrecimiento". Pero Marx nunca abogó por una "visión lineal y progresista" de la historia. Más bien, su concepción era dialéctica: los diferentes modos de producción han pasado por períodos de ascenso, en los que sus relaciones sociales permitieron un desarrollo real de la producción y la cultura, así como períodos de estancamiento, decadencia e incluso regresión, que podrían conducir a su simple desaparición o a un período de revolución social que podría dar paso a un modo de producción superior. En un sentido más amplio, se puede discernir un movimiento generalmente progresista en este proceso histórico, pero todo progreso hasta la fecha ha tenido un precio: Marx y Engels, por ejemplo, expresaron la idea de que la sustitución del comunismo primitivo por la sociedad de clases y el Estado representaba tanto la decadencia como el progreso, y que el comunismo del futuro representaría una especie de "retorno a un plano superior" a la forma arcaica de la sociedad.
Con respecto al capitalismo, Marx señaló en el Manifiesto Comunista el enorme desarrollo de la capacidad productiva hecho posible por el surgimiento de la sociedad burguesa. Estos avances también fueron comprados por la explotación despiadada del proletariado, pero la lucha del proletariado contra esta explotación sentó las bases para una revolución comunista que pudiera poner las nuevas fuerzas productivas al servicio de la humanidad. Incluso en esta etapa temprana de la vida de El Capital, Marx estaba impaciente por tal revolución, reconociendo las crisis de sobreproducción como signos de que las relaciones sociales capitalistas ya se habían vuelto demasiado estrechas para las fuerzas productivas que habían desencadenado. La derrota de la oleada revolucionaria de 1848 le llevó a revisar este punto de vista, reconociendo que el capitalismo aún tenía que evolucionar considerablemente antes de que fuera posible una revolución proletaria.
Sin embargo, esto no significa que todos los países y regiones del mundo estén condenados a experimentar exactamente el mismo proceso de desarrollo. Cuando la folclorista rusa Vera Sassulich le escribió en 1881 preguntándole si el mir ruso, o comuna agraria, podría desempeñar un papel en la transición al comunismo, Marx formuló el problema de la siguiente manera: mientras el capitalismo estaba todavía en pañales en gran parte del mundo, "el sistema capitalista en Occidente se estaba marchitando (...) y [acercándose] al momento (...) en que será sólo una formación 'arcaica'". [8] Esto significaba que las condiciones objetivas para una revolución proletaria estaban madurando rápidamente en los centros del sistema y que, si se producía, "la actual propiedad común rusa del suelo podría servir como punto de partida para un desarrollo comunista.
Esta hipótesis no significaba abandonar el método del materialismo histórico. Por el contrario, se trataba de un intento de aplicar este método en un período contradictorio en el que el capitalismo mostraba simultáneamente signos de decadencia histórica, pero todavía tenía un "hinterland" muy grande cuyo desarrollo podía detener temporalmente sus crecientes contradicciones internas. Y lejos de respaldar o apoyar este desarrollo, que ya se expresaba en las aspiraciones imperialistas de las grandes potencias, Marx vio que cuanto antes estallara la revolución proletaria en los centros industrializados, menos dolor y miseria se causaría en las periferias del sistema. Marx no vivió para ver todas las consecuencias de la conquista del planeta por parte del imperialismo, pero otros que adoptaron su método, como Lenin y Luxemburgo, fueron capaces de reconocer en los primeros años del siglo XX que el capitalismo en su conjunto estaba entrando en su época de decadencia, y con él la posibilidad -y la necesidad- de una revolución proletaria mundial.
The same concern characterized the “late” Marx’s burgeoning interest in the ecological question. Inspired by his reading of scientists such as Liebig and Fraas, who had become aware of the destructive side of capitalist agriculture (Liebig called it “predatory agriculture”), which, in its hunger for immediate profit, exhausted the fertility of the soil and wantonly destroyed forests (which, as Marx had already noted, had a detrimental effect on the climate). If the development of capitalism was already undermining the natural foundations for the production of the necessities of life, then its “progressive mission” may have come to an end – but this did not invalidate the method, which was able to recognize the positive role of the bourgeoisie in overcoming the barriers of feudalism. Moreover – and Saito is well aware of this, having shown it in his earlier works – Marx’s concern with the effects of capitalism on the relationship between man and nature did not come out of nowhere: its roots can be found in the notion of man’s alienation from his “inorganic body” in the Economic-Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, a notion further elaborated in the Grundrisse and Das Kapital, especially in the idea of “disturbed metabolism” in the latter work. Similarly, the recognition that communist society must overcome the rigid division between town and country is found both in the early writings of Marx and Engels and in the period in which Marx explored agricultural science as a prerequisite for restoring the natural fertility of the soil. Elaboration, development, criticism of outdated ideas – but no “epistemological rupture”.
[10] Vgl. Bordiga und die Großstadt, IKSonline Julio 2020
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